Paul Cairney assesses the success of the Scottish Parliament in delivering 'new politics' and the potential for consultative and cooperative policy making in an independent Scotland.
Any debate about the future of Scottish policy is incomplete without a focus on its policy-making. Governments don’t just make policy choices in isolation. We expect them to be ‘consultative’ and ‘cooperative’ when they make and implement policy. This emphasis on a more open and cooperative ‘policy style’ was a feature of ‘new politics’ discussions in the run up to devolution, led by bodies such as the Scottish Constitutional Convention and Consultative Steering Group. New Scottish institutions were to become a hub for new forms of participation, basing policy choices on meaningful consultation with a wide range of people and groups, and rejecting exclusive consultation with the ‘usual suspects’. This attitude would extend to policy delivery. Rather than imposing policy from the ‘top down’, they would form meaningful partnerships with bodies such as local authorities. Advocates for ‘new Scottish politics’ often contrasted this style with ‘old Westminster’ and the UK Government’s (misleading) reputation for rejecting consultation with interest groups and imposing policy from the ‘top down’.
The evidence suggests that the Scottish Government generally lives up to this ‘new politics’ aim. It works with voluntary groups, unions, professional bodies and local and health authorities to produce policy aims. Its cooperative approach allows it to gather information and foster group support for policy. This approach extends to implementation, with the Scottish Government often willing to produce broad strategies and trust bodies such as local authorities to meet its aims. For example, it now negotiates Single Outcome Agreements with local authorities, which focus on progress towards long term improvements in the quality of life in local communities. In turn, local authorities work with a wide range of bodies in the public, voluntary and private sector to produce shared aims relevant to their local areas. SOAs mark a symbolic shift away from top-down policymaking, in which local authorities and other bodies are punished if they do not meet short term targets, towards the production of shared aims and cooperation.
In this context, our first aim is to examine the extent to which this consultative and cooperative policy style is a feature of government in smaller countries. The evidence so far suggests that, in Scotland, senior policymakers are more able than their UK counterparts to (a) form personal relationships with key members of interest groups and public service delivery bodies, and (b) make links across government departments. They can use their networks to coordinate policy and produce shared aims across government. This ability may result from the size of government and the size of ministerial responsibilities. Under Scottish independence, the latter would expand into new areas such as economic policy and its coordination task would be more complicated, but its ability to maintain networks within a relatively small population could remain.
Our second aim is measure the effect of this distinctive policy style on policy outcomes. So far, since devolution, there is more evidence of distinctive policy choices in Scotland than distinctive policy outcomes. It is difficult to identify the success of Scottish policies which have diverged from the rest of the UK. It is also difficult to say, unequivocally, that those outcomes would not have happened without devolution. This difficulty is compounded by the political nature of policy evaluation – political parties, in particular, engage in constant debate about the success or failure of government policy. This tension is heightened during the independence debate, which brings in new arguments linking success and failure to the current devolution settlement. In particular, policy failure or slow progress is accompanied by arguments about the futility of further devolution versus arguments that devolution has not gone far enough (see for example, the latest evidence on Scottish education policy).
We explore these issues by examining ‘prevention’ policy. The broad aim of government is to reduce the ‘demand’ for public services by addressing policy problems at an early stage; too much government spending is devoted to services to address severe social problems at a late stage. The aim is for governments to address a wide range of problems - related to crime and anti-social behaviour, ill health and unhealthy behaviour, low educational attainment, and unemployment – by addressing them at source, before they become too severe and relatively expensive. We explore the extent to which this broad aim can be tackled well by a Scottish Government committed to consultation and cooperation across government, to produce long term and shared goals. We then consider the potential effect of more devolution, or independence, which would extend Scottish Government responsibilities in relevant fields such as social security and welfare policy, and reduce overlaps by placing responsibility in one national government.
For more details on prevention and our research team, see http://paulcairney.wordpress.com/2013/11/15/preventative-spending-and-the-scottish-policy-style/